At the end of the campaign, Democrats see the limits of the focus on abortion
In North Carolina, Republicans need to net five seats in the General Assembly to achieve a supermajority, which could override a Democratic governor’s veto of an abortion bill. The Wisconsin Legislature needs six. In Pennsylvania, if approved by the upcoming Legislature, an initiative to amend the state constitution could soon go to voters for final approval.
In Minnesota, the region’s abortion access island state, Democrats and Republicans are vying for control of about 20 seats to determine party control of the legislature.
Elsewhere, state attorney general races could determine how now-challenged state abortion bans could be enforced. In Arizona, where abortion is banned after 15 weeks, Republican attorney general candidate Abraham Hamadeh has indicated he will support a near-total abortion ban that dates back to 1864 and has no exceptions for rape or incest. Kris Mayes, a Democrat, said she “will not prosecute any doctor, any pharmacist, any nurse for abortion,” even if there are anti-abortion laws.
Supreme Court justices in some states are elected positions, making race even more significant now that abortion law is determined at the state level. Party control of supreme courts is on sale in Ohio, North Carolina and Michigan.
“Everything is going to be close,” said Ianthe Metzger, director of state advocacy communications for Planned Parenthood. “There’s a lot at stake.”
Still, the extraordinary political landscape has turned theoretical into real policy choices, prompting some voters to rethink their priorities.
In West Michigan, Amanda Stratton, 37, has long considered herself a “pro-life” voter. But this November, Ms. Stratton, a stay-at-home mom, voted Democratic. Five difficult miscarriages had changed her beliefs, she said, and now the discussion was urgent.
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